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Partners with equal rights


The prevailing view holds that Israeli Arabs won't go the extra mile to help Ehud Barak win the elections. The proximity of the balloting to October's violent clashes in which 12 Arab citizens were killed by police, along with bitter disappointment regarding Barak's policies, will result in a low Arab turnout in the special election for the prime minister, that view predicts.

But even before the violence in the North, Ehud Barak displayed a reserved, cold attitude toward Israeli Arabs, underestimating them as an election constituency. Barak apparently viewed the Arab population and its delegates as a public which would support him under any circumstances, if only because he is the candidate who conveys a message of peace. As a practical matter, Barak was wary of Arab support, viewing it as a burden liable to stain his government.

To hold Barak accountable for all of the woes suffered by Israeli Arabs would be an exaggeration. A series of reports written for Ha'aretz by Lily Galili and Ori Nir on mixed Jewish-Arab towns and cities has shown that there has been a consistent policy for the past 52 years of viewing Israeli Arabs as enemies to be kept at bay. That perception was responsible for political, economic and social measures which discriminated against Arab citizens - one carved out for a minority which is tolerated but suspect.

The series of articles documented the discrimination: Funds were not allocated for the construction of special cultural facilities for Arabs; no new Arab community (needless to say, no new Arab city) has been established since 1948; most Israeli Arabs who live in mixed cities such as Acre, Haifa, Lod and Ramle live in state-owned housing; most educational facilities in these cities almost entirely neglect the special needs posed by Arab pupils and Arab culture. Thus, for example, Arab pupils in Haifa attend private schools, and Acre students go to schools in nearby villages. In the most indigent cases, such as Ramle's Juwarish neighborhood, Lod's Harakevet neighborhood and even Jaffa's Ajami quarter, Arab citizens' places of residence resemble those which are found in the most squalid refugee camps.

Since Israel's establishment, much creative thought has gone into devising ways of hindering the Arab population's growth, and of keeping the population rooted at sites slated for it, via deliberate settlement and demographic policies. In a large, mixed city such as Be'er Sheva, the municipality refuses to establish an Arab school and construct a mosque, little matter that the town is classified as a binational metropolitan area. The construction of mitzpim, hilltop communities, in the Galilee, was designed to create a buffer between Jewish and Arab populations. During the 1950s, new Jewish immigrants from Arab countries were sent to live in mixed cities, or border-line areas, so that they would serve as a barrier stopping Arab population growth. And in the 1990s new immigrants from the former Soviet Union replaced their 1950s forerunners, and were dispatched to neighborhoods abutting Arab areas in mixed cities.

Israel's government has a new plan to support the Arab minority, one which calls for investments on its behalf that would total around $4 billion over a number of years. At first glance, this program is full of potential for social and economic progress for the country's Arab population. Yet if it isn't accompanied by a new, comprehensive change of attitude whereby Israeli Arabs are seen as full partners who have equal rights, this program is not likely to alleviate the feelings of alienation that plague the Arab community.

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